The Mark 2010

The Red Shirts claim they are fighting for democracy, but does former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra have the same ideals?

The eight weeks of protest in central Bangkok, resulting in at least 88 deaths and 1,800 persons wounded, did much harm to the rule of law and representative democracy among a people who are well-liked and respected around the world.

The damage to the economy was also severe, including the burning of approximately 40 buildings in the capital. Tourism and every other industry were hit very hard.

Western media problems with the difficult Thai language were numerous, rendering their coverage often virtually meaningless. In separating fact from propaganda, journalists might have gone deeper than the Red Shirt placards, which offered in English sentiments aimed primarily at Westerners, such as “No violence” and “Democracy.”

Some evidence indicates that former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra is responsible for organizing what was in reality an attempted coup d’état by him on the backs of his Red Shirt supporters. A resident of Bangkok emailed to Canada after the violence subsided there last week that Thaksin had ordered the violent segment of the protesters to keep fighting even after their leaders had turned themselves in.

Thaksin is no stranger to violence for political gain. Under his government, thousands of citizens of Muslim faith in southern Thailand and alleged drug dealers in various regions were summarily executed, often just shot in the streets. To facilitate his commercial dealings with the Burmese junta while prime minister, he made life as difficult as possible for refugees from Burma, both on the Thai-Burma border and across Thailand.

The Economist's account of events, tellingly headlined “Thaksin's harvest” and written while violence was still occurring, quoted villagers in the north-east, saying that before Thaksin was removed in the 2006 coup he brought a rice thresher and a micro-credit program to their region. The loyalty of farmers to Thaksin is understandable, but it is simplistic to label the conflict as one only between the agrarian poor and the affluent in Bangkok.

Thaksin was democratically elected as prime minister in 2001, but he became increasingly despotic. His ousting in the 2006 coup was completely undemocratic, but none of those who did it are in the present government. The coalition led by Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva was formed in the same way as the Cameron-Clegg one in Britain, with all those voting to approve it being elected democratically. It is disingenuous for the Red Shirts to call for democracy. In reality, Abhisit is probably more likely than anyone to bring about the social revolution sought by Thailand's poor.

Among the most serious problems for Thaksin, according to admissions reported in Le Figaro (May 21) from Therdpoum Chaidee, collaborator of the Red Shirt leadership and a former Thaksin-supporting MP, is that black-shirted commandos were placed among the non-violent Red Shirt protesters as agents provocateurs, who used armed violence in a separate campaign to topple the government.

The commando violence, says Therdpoum, began on April 10, when one of them threw grenades into a crowd, killing some protesters and wounding many others. Before the army finally took control on May 19, there were approximately sixty confrontations between the Black Shirts and authorities, which caused most of the civilian deaths and woundings. If Thaksin was in fact directing the Black Shirts, most of the responsibility for the violence lies at his feet.

The needs of the rural poor, especially in the North, must be addressed without delay, especially given recent food shortages due to the rising price of oil. Rice has become almost prohibitively expensive despite Thailand being the rice bowl of Southeast Asia. The poverty and frustration in both the South and in the North can be summed up in one word: neglect by many governments.

One proposal for restoring hope to rural Thailand is for the government to create an official policy of regional development going beyond agriculture by moving official agencies out of Bangkok and providing infrastructure and incentives for small industry in the regional centres. This would bring jobs and the modern wage economy to rural people.

Thailand's democracy is fragile and there is an enormous respect among the Thai people for King Bhumibol, 82, who is in failing health in hospital. Succession issues continue to be extremely sensitive, partly because many Thais appear to have great fondness for Princess Sirindhorm.

All friends of Thailand must wish its citizens well in the difficult period lying ahead. What is needed is less black and white, red and yellow, and more careful analysis from the standpoint of bringing Thais together in genuine national reconciliation.