In Defence of CIDA
- First Posted: Nov 05 2009 17:53 PM
- Updated: 7 months ago
Canada’s foreign aid program has its problems, but they are hardly unique. Nor are they the fault of a single agency.
During a conversation with a South African friend this summer, he told me, “you Canadians tend to beat up on CIDA [Canadian International Development Agency] a lot. But many of the criticisms I’ve heard are neither CIDA- nor Canada-specific."
I was reminded of my friend’s comments earlier this week when the Auditor General released her annual fall report, which included a chapter on CIDA. The report concluded that frequent changes in policy and priorities and a lack of clear direction have hampered the agency’s ability to deliver foreign aid more effectively.
CIDA certainly deserves a good share of the blame for the shortcomings of Canada’s $5-billion foreign aid program. (The revelation that in 2007 it took CIDA, on average, 43 months to get projects approved is clearly indefensible.) But it is unfair and misleading to apportion all the blame to the agency.
CIDA is the federal government’s lead agency in delivering official development assistance (ODA) – or foreign aid as most Canadians know it. But it is only one of many federal organizations involved. In fact, a September 2009 report to Parliament detailed the ODA activities and expenditures of 12 different federal departments, not including the Treasury Board or the Prime Minister’s Office which also influence the directions and priorities for foreign aid. As a former CIDA ministerial staffer put it, “CIDA has most of the money but much of the power lies elsewhere.”
This diffusion of authority is compounded by another problem that has existed virtually since CIDA was established in 1968; it has been given multiple, often muddled and ever changing mandates.
Most Canadians probably think that foreign aid is about fighting poverty in poor countries. That view is reinforced by CIDA’s stated mission to “lead Canada’s international effort to help people living in poverty.”
While poverty eradication has always been an important objective of Canadian ODA, it has never been the only one. Over the years, we have used ODA spending to further Canada’s diplomatic, political, and commercial interests. Canadian farmers and engineering firms have been significant beneficiaries of ODA spending, for example, by the requirement that recipients of foreign aid purchase goods and services from Canadian suppliers.
Afghanistan probably offers the best current example of the way in which we use foreign aid to achieve a variety of objectives. Currently the largest recipient of Canadian foreign aid, Afghanistan will have received about $1.2 billion between 2002 and 2011. And yet Afghanistan, with a population no larger than Canada’s, has a very, very small percentage of the world’s poor. Clearly, we are using ODA expenditures in Afghanistan to accomplish other aims. While those goals may very well further Canada’s national interests, foreign aid funding may not be the most appropriate way to finance them.
As my friend from South Africa reminded me, many of the shortcomings of our foreign aid program – diffused authority and multiple mandates, being only two – are not unique to Canada. In fact, other countries are trying to wrestle with these same challenges in ways that might inform our efforts to improve the delivery of Canadian foreign aid.
The U.S. offers one such example. In July of this year, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton established the Quadrennial Review of Diplomacy and Development that will require the State Department and USAID – CIDA’s counterpart – to demonstrate how they intend to integrate U.S. foreign policy and development objectives. As a complement to Clinton’s initiative, an even broader review was launched a month later by President Obama. In August, Obama formally established a Presidential Study on U.S. Global Development Policy. This study will take place under the leadership of the National Security Advisor and will engage at least 15 different U.S. agencies.
These two parallel initiatives are still in their early days and may amount to nothing. But they do represent an attempt by our U.S. neighbours to address many of the same challenges that confront Canada. Perhaps most important of all, they reflect an understanding that the solutions required to establish an effective foreign aid program go way beyond the purview of one single agency or department.
While addressing the problems at CIDA as outlined in the Auditor General’s report is clearly important, that, in and of itself, will be insufficient to ensure the effective delivery of Canadian foreign aid.













Comments
Re:Marks
“ It is important to note that the Auditor General's report identifies CIDA senior managers as the source of many of CIDA's problems. I would add that much of the blame also lies with their political masters, who appoint and shuffle them. Collectively, they keep identifying new countries and sectors of focus and launching new initiatives, without proper follow up or even allowing the old initiatives time to bear fruit. Thus, as argued in this article, CIDA alone is not responsible for its woes. The Minister of International Cooperation recently blamed CIDA's weaknesses on its employees' lack of expertise and feeble concern for results. However, the Auditor General's report rightly places the blame not on the rank-and-file but at the highest levels. Too bad she didn't apportion some of the responsibility to politicians. See her report at www.oag-bvg.gc.ca/internet/English/parl_oag_200911_08_e_33209.html.
Stephen Brown
“ The Auditor General's report on CIDA does indeed identify and validate a cluster of serious problems that Agency staff, who are highly skilled and dedicated, have experienced for half a decade or more. In fact, CIDA management has actually agreed with all the findings of the AG, but the latter's recommendations for solving these problems remain at a very general level. This, unfortunately, leaves the door open for CIDA to continue its ineffective internal practices, along with its damaging tradition of discontinuity in political and bureaucratic leadership and strategy. While there is much that needs to be done, and should be done, within CIDA to improve the Agency's strategy and systems in the short term, there is also a growing consensus that this particular policy instrument has probably run its course. There are legislative, mandate and structural issues "above" and "around" CIDA that cannot be fixed inside the Agency. Indeed, all indications are that the time has come to put this organization out of its misery, to take CIDA apart, and to replace it with an altogether new structure. To this end, several constituencies in the aid sector-including the Canadian Council for International Cooperation (the NGO umbrella group), academics, consultants and even some corporations-are arguing now for the establishment of a new Department for International Cooperation with its own Cabinet Minister, a legislated mandate, decision-making and budget flexibility and agility, and a mission clearly focused on poverty reduction and human rights. This is a very good idea. But it will take an energetic and sustained coalition inside and outside Parliament to bring this idea to market-to make it really happen. In the meantime, other voices in the aid sector rightly point to the Aid Accountability Act as a piece of legislation that has already been duly passed by Parliament and that should be used to hold our aid program accountable for its performance on poverty reduction and human rights. The current government chooses to ignore this legislation. Perhaps, as some have argued, it is time to mount a legal challenge to the government's disdain of this bill. Whether sufficient funds, likely via private donations, could be raised to pay for a winning court challenge remains to be seen--but it is an intriguing question in its own right. Edward Jackson Associate Dean, Faculty of Public Affairs, Carleton University
Edward Jackson