The Canon

The texts you need to read to understand the situation.

History of Religious Ideology and Its Influence in the Emergence of the Taliban

Political factors combined with post-colonial class struggles between the poor and elite characterize the fight against militant religious groups in South Asia. The religious school Madrasas emerged in the 19th century as a centre for open education for all classes. However, British colonization established a system of colonial education for only the wealthy class. Consequently, the Madrasas were degenerated and left to the urban and rural poor. By the mid-20th century, the curriculum taught religious scriptures, primarily those of Islam. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 presented an opportunity for Madrasas to convert into training schools for Mujahideen. Mujahideen, comprised of the impoverished students, became the new opposition force for Afghanistan against the Soviet invasion. However, the eventual Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan gave way to the emergence of the Taliban, whose religious training and ideological motivations would become another source for the instability and conflict within Afghanistan.

NY Times: How the Holy Warriors Learned to Hate

Disastrous Effects of Afghan Drug Trade Mitigated as Opium Production Declines

The UNODC Afghanistan Opium Survey of 2009 best evaluates how both conscious efforts by Afghan and NATO forces to eradicate the poppy crop and pressure within the opiates market have contributed to the significant decline of the growth of poppies and, accordingly, the production of opiates in 2009. The top two reasons farmers give for ceasing cultivation are the government ban and the low sale price of opium. The current stockpile of opium is enough to feed the world demand for heroin for two full years, as Afghanistan has well exceeded the supply demanded. The area under poppy cultivation decreased by 22 per cent in 2009, and twenty of 34 provinces are now poppy-free. The Northern region is completely poppy-free, whereas the South and West, dominated by the insurgency and organized crime, grow an estimated 99 per cent of Afghanistan’s poppy crop, showing a significant link between low security levels and high opium cultivation.

IO / NGO Report: UNODC World Drug Report 2009

Violence Against Women in Afghanistan

The UN news reports the current situation of women in Afghanistan. According to the article, Afghan women are suffering from violence even after the demise of the Taliban regime in 2001. Under the Taliban regime, women were treated worse than ever. However, the violence is accepted as a cultural practice and custom even now. Moreover, women are constantly attacked by anti-government elements. As one of the forms of violence, rape is prevalent. The problem of rape in Afghanistan is that many people do not perceive it as illegal, despite the law that outlaws it. The core argument of the article is that the situation where violence against women in Afghanistan is widespread and unpunished. The article is useful in the sense that it helps raise the awareness of the current violent situation against Afghan women.

IO / NGO Report: UN.org

Rise of the Taliban

In 1992 the mujahideen had taken control of the various factions of the country. Conflict soon emerged amongst the differing groups. The Taliban first emerged through the gathering of former mujahideen. The group’s aim was to restore stability and enforce Islamic law. In 1996 the Taliban took control of Kabul. The Northern Alliance, headed by Ahmed Shah Massoud, made it their objective to overthrow the Taliban regime. In 1997 the Taliban sought to gain control of several northern territories under the command of the Northern Alliance’s General Dostum. Dostum was betrayed by his Deputy General Malik, who struck a deal with Taliban leaders. With that, the city of Mazari Sharif was handed over to Taliban forces. On September 9, 2001, Massoud was assassinated. Two days later al-Qaeda forces attacked the United States, igniting the “War on Terrorism. “

IO / NGO Report: Human Rights Watch

Afghans Yet to Buy In to Ideals of Externally-led Democratization

External democratization of Afghanistan has suffered from a lack of popular buy-in. The international community’s insistence that formal institutions hold power excludes the strong influence of traditional civil society. Buy-in is further hurt by the lack of developmental aid reaching ordinary Afghans. Finally, the tactics of international troops’ counter-insurgency operations has resulted in civilian deaths. This has strengthened and radicalized spoilers and hampered the efforts that other international actors have made. This model of external democratization does not account for human security and has created a dangerous conception among Afghans on the price of democracy. This article does not emphasize a supposed “undemocratic Afghan nature” or attribute the shortcomings of democratization on one event such as the exclusion of the king. It provides a careful analysis of how the drivers of democratization are not Afghans and how this can explain the shortcomings of the democratic transition.

Journal Article: International Peacekeeping

Drug Money Backing Taliban

The production of opium poppy, and the drug trade has funded the Afghan civil war since the beginning. In an interview with Pino Arlacchi, the UN’s top drug official, Arlacchi discusses the role of the drug trafficking groups in Afghanistan. Drug trafficking is a menace to regional stability and has been shown to be an incredibly prosperous source of funding for the Taliban regime as well as the Al-Qaeda terrorist network. The UN drug control office estimates the revenue to be between $100 and $250 million per year. The Taliban’s all crop tax of 10 per cent is one of its sources of revenue from the illicit trade. This income funds terrorist training camps, supports firepower expenses, and supports other extremists operations in neighboring states. Opium is easy to grow and it’s the crop by choice in hard times. In addition, traffickers are highly organized, making their presence likely in a future Afghanistan.

Journal Article: Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty

Conflict in Context: A History of International Relations in Central Asia

Peter Hopkirk’s \"The Great Game\" (1990) is a well-known and well-loved account of the history of conflict in Afghanistan and the greater Central Asia region. A major theme of the book is the ever-changing international relations between Afghanistan, Britain, Russia, and several smaller states. Other topics covered are the deep-rooted rivalries of the region (for example between Persia and Afghanistan), civil war and domestic dispute, the route to India, and the difficulties of navigating the natural terrain of the region. All of these factors must be taken into account when searching for a historical context in which to situate the current conflict in and around Afghanistan. By his examination of history, Hopkirk concludes that not much has changed in the past century and a half. Hopkirk’s work is an excellent source for background and comes highly recommended by scholars in the field.

Book: John Murray (Publishers) Ltd.

The Economic, Social, and Historic Background of Afghanistan's Parliamentary Development

The balance of power between the executive, judiciary, and parliamentary systems, as well as corruption, the building of an effective media, and protection of minority rights are key factors for the success of democracy and renewal of the Afghan state. In the past century, the country has been ruled by numerous constitutions, including Taliban rule through decrees, as tensions between the various ethnic and political groups have been strong. In addition to these tensions are external challenges such as the presence of foreign forces and the interests of China and Russia. The government faces important challenges with murders, robberies, and kidnappings as it attempts to coordinate and control the region. Newly built schools are burnt down by the Taliban and law enforcement officers are attacked. Partnerships between various organizations and groups are key to establishing a fair democratic environment, reducing insecurity, and appeasing tensions within the country.

IO / NGO Report: United Nations Development Programme

Roots of Afghan National Identity

Afghanistan’s national or patriotic idea has been persistently weak and undeveloped, limited by disparate populations with minimal political consciousness and a lack of coherent national ideology. Afghanistan’s population is an amalgam of different linguistic groups, ethnic communities, and tribes. It’s borders have been historically fluid, with elements of irredentism at play periodically, contingent on which groups held power. A Pashtun ruling class dominates politically and practiced a kind of internal colonialism in tandem with the domination of Afghanistan by the British Empire and later the USSR. Ancient and medieval history has little bearing on national identity, while the struggle against the British (and later the Soviets) produced a traumatic effect which gave rise to an Afghan self-image of heroic resistance against foreign domination, one of few common themes among Afghan sub-groups. Understanding this history of the Afghan state and nationalism helps to explain national, tribal, and political issues as they exist today.

Journal Article: International Journal of Middle East Studies

The Soviet-Afghan War: An Analysis of the USSR's Proxy War in Central Asia

This article describes the Soviet-Afghan war in categorical detail, recounting the chain of events leading up to the war, the war itself, and a brief analysis of the post war situation in the two countries. The article identifies bureaucratic red tape and faulty chains of command in both the Afghan and Russian governments as well as the KGB as causes for the Soviet intervention. The article also highlights the differences in the super powers’ approach and logistics to proxy wars. According to Hughes, a lack of government and personnel on the Afghan field led to the Soviet defeat. Hughes describes the covert military aid by other countries including the US, Pakistan, and China and also argues that the war was a catalyst for the Soviet collapse in the late 1980’s and state failure in Afghanistan even today.

Journal Article: Defence Studies

Afghan Compact Outlines Statebuilding Challenges in Afghanistan, Requires Sustained Engagement.

Challenges in security, governance, and development are described in relation to the Afghanistan Compact to prove the necessity of international support for, and sustained engagement with, state building in Afghanistan. The Compact, consulting the Afghan government, the United Nations, and the international community at the London Conference (31st Jan. to 1st Feb, 2006), frames co-ordination between Afghan and international efforts and affirms the Afghan government and international community's commitment to state building. The Compact is outlined as a response to efforts of the Afghan government during the Bonn process, and its concerns are treated as a comprehensive model for state building. By design, the Compact easily holds the Afghan government accountable, not its nebulous partner the ‘international community’, such that by treating the Compact’s concerns as a model, the authors foreground those problems of implementation requiring international support and engagement. Recommendations address counterinsurgency strategy, judicial reform, the integration of religious institutions, and poor economic development.

Journal Article: International Peacekeeping [London]